4100 Duisburg: “… tearing at the seams”

“A gar­ba­ge can, occa­sio­nal­ly, to me at least, can be beautiful. 
That’s becau­se you are see­ing. Some peo­p­le are able to see that – 
and feel it. I lean toward the enchant­ment, the visu­al power of 
the aes­the­ti­cal­ly rejec­ted object.”[1]

Walker Evans

 

Anyone who grew up in Duisburg during the fif­ties and six­ties, as did the aut­hor of the­se obser­va­tions, expe­ri­en­ced a vibrant city with its own uni­que cha­rac­ter: eco­no­mic­al­ly thri­ving and cul­tu­ral­ly ambi­tious. In 1960, thanks to its geo­gra­phi­cal loca­ti­on on the Rhine and Ruhr rivers, Duisburg ran­ked among the German muni­ci­pa­li­ties with the hig­hest pro-capi­ta inco­me. Viewed from the south along the bor­der to Düsseldorf loo­king towards the nor­t­hern edge of the city, which opens up towards the Lower Rhine regi­on, the indus­tri­al plants of hea­vy indus­try lined the banks of the Rhine like pearls on a string. Even today, their names still evo­ke shades of Germany’s eco­no­mic mira­cle fol­lo­wing the Second World War and call to mind a cul­tu­re of once pri­va­te com­pa­nies that emer­ged during the mid-19th cen­tu­ry: Demag, Mannesmann, Kupferhütte, Krupp, Thyssen, and Stinnes. A fami­ly busi­ness, the König Brewery in Beeck, lent a spe­cial fla­vor to the city’s eco­no­mic struc­tu­re by pro­du­cing a Pilsener beer with a bit­ter note that was wide­ly known throug­hout Germany. Beer, the “bread” of the working man, was bre­wed in every city in the Ruhr regi­on; König Pilsener, howe­ver, enjoy­ed a repu­ta­ti­on of exclu­si­vi­ty. On many days the brewery’s unmist­aka­ble aro­ma waf­ted over the enti­re quar­ter. It was situa­ted not far from the expan­si­ve Thyssenhütte mill, which exten­ded all the way to Hamborn and expor­ted its high-qua­li­ty iron and steel pro­ducts all over the glo­be. The har­bor repre­sen­ted the city’s true life­line: situa­ted at its cen­ter around the con­fluence of the Ruhr and Rhine rivers, it rea­ched far out into the urban topo­gra­phy, forming its core and giving it cohe­si­on. “At no time and at no place was the Ruhr dis­trict ever beau­tiful,” was how his­to­ri­an Ulrich Herbert once cha­rac­te­ri­zed the regi­on of his for­ebe­ars.[2] This was also true of Duisburg. Once known as the “Montan City” (deri­ved from Latin mons in refe­rence to the city’s coal and steel indus­try), it was nevert­hel­ess an urban orga­nism with its own unmist­aka­ble iden­ti­ty, and it stood out – or so it seems in retro­s­pect – from among the mono­to­ne cities along the Ruhr and Emscher rivers. This was becau­se the vita­li­ty that cha­rac­te­ri­zed its eco­no­mic life was matched by an ear­nest cul­tu­ral com­mit­ment. Like all cities in the Ruhr dis­trict, Duisburg was also gover­ned for deca­des by the Social Democrat Party (SPD), which enjoy­ed an abso­lu­te majo­ri­ty. In tho­se days, howe­ver, enligh­ten­ment, edu­ca­ti­on, and cul­tu­re were inviolable ele­ments of the party’s self-image, with which they sought to lead the working class toward self-deter­mi­na­ti­on and self-respon­si­bi­li­ty in accordance with their foun­ding prin­ci­ples. In Duisburg the­se aspi­ra­ti­ons were given cre­di­bi­li­ty by two lord mayors in par­ti­cu­lar, August Seeling and Josef Krings, both of whom were in office for many years. They cham­pio­ned a cul­tu­ral dimen­si­on of life that they con­side­red unali­enable. Together with Düsseldorf, Duisburg has long been home to the renow­ned thea­ter com­mu­ni­ty “Deutsche Oper am Rhein”; the city spon­so­red the inter­na­tio­nal­ly reco­gni­zed Lehmbruck-Museum for sculp­tu­re, which was named after Wilhelm Lehm-
bruck, a nati­ve of Duisburg’s Meiderich quar­ter; and it was only natu­ral that major inter­na­tio­nal news­pa­pers were available at the main libra­ry in the heart of the city. And then came the day when Lord Mayor Krings threa­ten­ed his par­ty with resi­gna­ti­on in order to pre­vent a bud­get cut that would have affec­ted the bal­let. Duisburg, so it appears to this chro­nic­ler, was “spe­cial” in tho­se days and did not con­sider its­elf part of the Ruhr dis­trict. Until the mid-seven­ties the­re was a sign­post in the cen­ter of town that poin­ted in two direc­tions: west towards “The Netherlands” and east towards “The Ruhr dis­trict.” 

From today’s per­spec­ti­ve, this image of an int­act city has some­thing of a fairy-tale qua­li­ty. The indus­tri­al res­truc­tu­ring of the Ruhr dis­trict was imple­men­ted much too late, and the afteref­fects have long been con­spi­cuous in the “Montan City” and its crumbling infra­struc­tu­re. Duisburg at pre­sent is a “poor house.” It is deep in debt. It can­not con­tain the cos­ts of its actu­al expen­dit­ures, and it has a dis­pro­por­tio­na­te­ly high popu­la­ti­on of immi­grants who are dif­fi­cult to inte­gra­te. The his­to­ri­cal back­ground that led to this situa­ti­on is brief­ly out­lined in the fol­lo­wing. An eli­te car­tel com­pri­sed of busi­ness, uni­ons, and regio­nal poli­tics clo­sed its eyes for deca­des to the fact that the age of hea­vy indus­try had defi­ni­te­ly come to an end in the Ruhr dis­trict. The under­ly­ing struc­tu­ral shift was igno­red and coun­ter­me­a­su­res were not taken. An eco­no­mic struc­tu­re that had been irre­co­ver­a­b­ly lost for quite some time was prop­ped up with lar­ge sta­te sub­si­dies. And the social fabric began to fray as well. “In con­se­quence, this led to gre­at social segre­ga­ti­on, to an over-aging of the Ruhr dis­trict, to dis­pro­por­tio­nal­ly high unem­ploy­ment. It is also to bla­me for the fact that two-thirds of all ado­le­s­cents under eigh­te­en in Gladbeck or Herten grow up in pover­ty or in pre­ca­rious cir­cum­s­tances and that seven­ty, eigh­ty, or even one hundred per­cent of ele­men­ta­ry school child­ren the­re have a so-cal­led “migra­ti­on back­ground.”[3]

The ter­rain that Laurenz Berges pati­ent­ly explo­red in Duisburg over the past few years is com­pa­ra­ble to the fore­go­ing descrip­ti­on of the Ruhr district’s deep­ly sea­ted com­mu­nal mise­ry. He main­ly kept to the quar­ters that were form­er­ly sites of hea­vy indus­try and are now suf­fe­ring the most from the effects of struc­tu­ral chan­ge. A gene­ral decli­ne in the qua­li­ty of urban life is obvious. These pho­to­graphs never attempt to por­tray con­cre­te examp­les of social mal­de­ve­lo­p­ment, howe­ver. Berges is ins­tead inte­res­ted in how to make the things in the image speak in order to ren­der under­stan­da­ble a dimen­si­on of expe­ri­ence: inte­ri­ors, archi­tec­tu­ral details, frag­ments of natu­re, a per­son here and the­re. Berges’s mode of work is indi­rect. His pho­to­graphs crea­te a par­al­lel rea­li­ty that tran­s­cends details and seeks a holi­stic visu­al effect all the more emphatically.

In Duisburg he found images of a void that is fil­led with a fun­da­men­tal silence. A fee­ling of for­lorn­ness and dis­ori­en­ta­ti­on seems to lie over the city, a con­di­ti­on known as bar­do in Buddhism: that is to say, a tran­si­tio­nal sta­te bet­ween death and rebirth. This explains the uni­que inten­si­ty of the visu­al effect. Light and silence are its mes­sen­gers. Soft day­light fills the rooms, insi­de and out, with an intan­gi­ble volu­me. The mat­te appearance of the colors inten­si­fies their effect becau­se they are no lon­ger a super­fi­ci­al mani­fes­ta­ti­on, but cor­po­re­al ins­tead. They almost seem to sink into the image sur­face. There is an unhur­ried­ness of obser­va­ti­on inher­ent in the­se pic­tures that com­mu­ni­ca­tes its­elf to the view­er. Life in its puta­ti­ve flee­ting­ness is brought to a halt and atta­ins ful­fill­ment in ubiety.

Berges’s images descri­be a path lea­ding inward. It is not just a mat­ter of por­tray­ing the exter­nal phe­no­me­na that cha­rac­te­ri­ze an urban land­scape; an exis­ten­ti­al dimen­si­on is at issue. What is our sta­te of being in the world? Photographically cap­tu­ring the recur­ring cycles of waning life (which, it should be poin­ted out, are regu­lar­ly fol­lo­wed by new peri­ods of eco­no­mic and cul­tu­ral pro­spe­ri­ty) repres­ents the main focus of his art. In his pho­to­graphs, Duisburg’s sce­n­ery bespeaks the tran­si­ence and melan­cho­ly that adhe­re to human exis­tence. Their silence is only off­set by the dimen­si­on of visu­al beau­ty that mani­fests its­elf in light and colors. This dimen­si­on alo­ne impli­es a pro­s­pect of redemption.

With this per­spec­ti­ve, Berges is argu­ab­ly the only pho­to­grapher of our time who fol­lows in the foot­s­teps of two giants of pho­to­gra­phy from the pre­vious cen­tu­ry, name­ly Eugène Atget (1857–1927) and Walker Evans (1903–1975). These two in par­ti­cu­lar dedi­ca­ted them­sel­ves to por­tray­ing a cul­tu­re grown old and things caught up in the pro­cess of decay. In Paris, Atget pho­to­gra­phed buil­dings, some of which were built in the Middle Ages, had sur­vi­ved Baron Haussmann’s urban rene­wal cam­paign, and were due to be torn down in the fore­seeable future. He also cap­tu­red the parks and aris­to­cra­tic resi­den­ces in the vici­ni­ty of the French capi­tal that were slow­ly fal­ling into dis­re­pair, thus bea­ring wit­ness to the end of the for­mer First Estate’s social importance. He was dri­ven by a fasci­na­ti­on with the cha­rac­te­ristic beau­ty of things in decli­ne, and it was his wish to pre­ser­ve in pho­to­graphs that which was alre­a­dy doo­med to des­truc­tion for future generations.

Whereas Atget acted almost uncon­scious­ly, gui­ded, it seems, only by his year­ning for the refrac­ted light of the past in order to find a reflec­tion of hims­elf the­r­ein,[4], we encoun­ter in Evans a pro­found­ly deli­be­ra­te, intellec­tual­ly sove­reign artist who was always well-awa­re of the aes­the­tic dimen­si­on of his work. He too felt drawn to the old archi­tec­tu­re on the plan­ta­ti­ons of the American South, both to the man­si­ons as well as to the slave quar­ters, which they built them­sel­ves from self-fired bricks. He was equal­ly fasci­na­ted by the 19th cen­tu­ry woo­den Victorian homes in the vici­ni­ty of Boston, which were desi­gned and embel­lished by local car­pen­ters. From 1930 on he dedi­ca­ted one of his first lar­ger works to them: an ear­ly tes­tim­o­ny to his love of a uni­que ver­na­cu­lar style that was born from the work of local craft­smen. He view­ed it as “clas­si­cism of the ordi­na­ry,” a style that was not at all awa­re of its own aes­the­tic dimen­si­on. In Evans’s opi­ni­on, it was supe­ri­or to the tra­di­tio­nal high art exhi­bi­ted in muse­ums becau­se, in it, the life ener­gy of ordi­na­ry Americans mani­fes­ted its­elf direct­ly – and it could also reve­al its­elf in pri­va­te living spaces, churches, shops, and on signs. When Evans pho­to­gra­phed New York City’s Pennsylvania Station in 1963, the buil­ding was alre­a­dy emp­ty and sche­du­led for demo­li­ti­on. He did so in order to memo­ri­a­li­ze the archi­tec­tu­re and inte­ri­or details becau­se he was con­scious of the value of a natio­nal his­to­ri­cal edi­fice that was doo­med to des­truc­tion and could never be rebuilt. His inte­rest in such mani­fes­ta­ti­ons of histo­ry did not, as he put it, have any­thing to do with sen­ti­men­tal nost­al­gia. There was, ins­tead, a cul­turo-his­to­ri­cal dimen­si­on invol­ved when some­thing was in the pro­cess of exi­ting the stage of histo­ry. From the old and pas­sing aspects in our cul­tu­re of ever­y­day life emer­ges a quite distinct spi­ri­tu­al impul­se, a force that con­fronts the point­less moti­on of the per­pe­tu­al “new.”[5]

Evans’s near rap­tur­ous love for the senecti­tu­de of things had its cor­rec­ti­ve in a strict for­mal con­scious­ness, which he found in moder­nist lite­ra­tu­re, and in which he was quite well-read. The wri­tin­gs of James Joyce, T. S. Eliot, and E. E. Cummings coun­ted among his gui­ding lights, but he always con­side­red 19th cen­tu­ry French lite­ra­tu­re, and espe­ci­al­ly Charles Baudelaire und Gustave Flaubert, as his bench­marks. With regard to Flaubert in par­ti­cu­lar, Evans deter­mi­ned that his own art had pro­fi­ted from the author’s “rea­lism and natu­ra­lism” as well as from his “objec­ti­vi­ty of tre­at­ment; the non-appearance of aut­hor.”[6]

Berges’s pho­to­gra­phic art, which is said to owe its first impul­se to an encoun­ter with a book by Evans,[7], also has such a lite­ra­ry qua­li­ty: its visu­al ver­na­cu­lar balan­ces on the thin bor­der­line bet­ween con­ten­tu­al refe­rence and poe­tic silence. It does not real­ly lend its­elf to descrip­ti­on via ver­bal dis­cour­se. When con­tem­pla­ting the pho­to­graphs taken in Duisburg and their aut­hor, we are for this reason remin­ded of a lite­ra­ry pre­cur­sor who roa­med the streets of Paris dai­ly, rough­ly a cen­tu­ry ago, and expe­ri­en­ced the urban decay around him as a reflec­tion of his own inner rea­li­ty: Malte Laurids Brigge. His obser­va­tions, pen­ned by Rainer
Maria Rilke, rank among the key texts of ear­ly 20th cen­tu­ry lite­ra­tu­re in which the expe­ri­ence of a far-rea­ching cri­sis of cul­tu­re and the indi­vi­du­al finds expres­si­on. What defi­nes this text is an empha­sis on visu­al per­cep­ti­on, which cha­rac­te­ri­zes its approach to rea­li­ty in gene­ral. Not the sligh­test detail escapes this gaze; it makes the world speak, in a com­pre­hen­si­ve sen­se. It is a mode of per­cep­ti­on best known to us from the visu­al arts as well as pho­to­gra­phy. It is no coin­ci­dence that Rilke del­ved deep­ly into the art of Rodin and Cézanne pri­or to wri­ting Malte Laurids Brigge. What he lear­ned the­re, he named “objec­ti­ve nar­ra­ti­on”: an objec­ti­vi­ty in which the obser­ved beco­mes form, wit­hout a super­a­bun­dance of emo­tio­nal ara­bes­ques. To con­clude, let us lis­ten to this voice and its obser­va­tions: “Will peo­p­le belie­ve the­re are hou­ses like this? […] Houses? But, to be exact, they were hou­ses that were no lon­ger the­re. Houses that had been demo­lished, top to bot­tom. […] You could see insi­de them. On the dif­fe­rent flo­ors you could see walls with the paper still sti­cking to them, and here and the­re signs of whe­re flo­ors or cei­lings had been fixed. Adjoining the insi­de walls and run­ning the who­le width of the house was a dir­ty-white expan­se of wall across which craw­led in unut­tera­b­ly dis­gus­ting, worms­mooth, bowel-like form the open rust-fle­cked groo­ve for the toi­let pipe. […] The dog­ged life that had been lived in the­se rooms refu­sed to be obli­te­ra­ted. It was still the­re; it clung to the nails that were left, it lin­ge­red on the remai­ning strip of flo­or­boar­ding, it was hudd­led up under the litt­le that was left of a cor­ner sec­tion. […] And from the­se sur­faces that had been blue, green and yel­low and were now framed by bro­ken runs of demo­lished par­ti­ti­on wall, aro­se the air from the­se lives, this ten­acious, shift­less, fug­gy air that no wind had yet disper­sed. […] It’s the fact that I reco­gni­zed it that makes it hor­ri­ble. I reco­gni­ze ever­y­thing here; it pas­ses into me wit­hout fur­ther ado; it finds a home in me.”[8] Indeed, this text could also be view­ed as a forerun­ner of Laurenz Berges’s encoun­ter with the city of Duisburg. His pati­ent mean­de­ring through the streets, obser­ving, see­king, dis­co­ve­ring, retur­ning, the set­ting of the came­ra, com­pa­ring and sel­ec­ting the images: all the­se things attest to the con­fluence of a city and art. Duisburg may be a poor and, in many places, rams­hack­le city, yet Laurenz Berges’s view of it gives it a home in the realm of art. Not every city can make that claim.

 


[1] Walker Evans, Walker Evans at Work, New York: Harper & Row, 1982, p. 220.

[2] Ulrich Herbert, “Schön war es nir­gends und nie,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 21 December 2018, p. 13. 

[3] Ulrich Herbert, ibid.

[4] Evans view­ed Atget as one of the foun­ders of modern pho­to­gra­phy, and his own aes­the­tics owed much to him. It is note­wor­t­hy how, muta­tis mut­an­dis, Evans’s cha­rac­te­riza­ti­on of Atget’s art reads like a descrip­ti­on of Laurenz Berges’s pho­to­gra­phy. “It is pos­si­ble to read into his pho­to­graphs so many things he may never have for­mu­la­ted to hims­elf. […] His gene­ral note is lyri­cal under­stan­ding of the street, trai­ned obser­va­ti­on of it, spe­cial fee­ling for pati­na, eye for reve­al­ing detail, over all of which is thrown a poet­ry which is not ‘the poet­ry of the street’ or ‘the poet­ry of Paris,’ but the pro­jec­tion of Atget’s per­son.” Walker Evans, “The Reappearance of Photography,” in Hound & Horn, #5 (October–December 1931), quo­ted by Jeff Rosenheim with Alexis Schwarzenbach (eds.), Unclassified. A Walker Evans Anthology, Zurich/Berlin/New York: Scalo, 2000, p. 81.

[5] “I’ve cer­tain­ly suf­fe­r­ed when phi­lis­ti­nes look at cer­tain works of mine having to do with the past, and remark, ‘Oh, how nost­al­gic.’ I hate that word. To be nost­al­gic is to be sen­ti­men­tal. To be inte­res­ted in what you see that is pas­sing out of histo­ry, even if it’s a trol­ley car you’ve found, that’s not an act of nost­al­gia. You could read Proust as nost­al­gia, but that’s not what Proust had in mind at all.” Leslie Katz, “Interview with Walker Evans,” in Art in America, March–April 1971, Vol. 59, No. 2, p. 87.

[6] “I know now that Flaubert’s esthe­tic is abso­lut­e­ly mine. Flaubert’s method I think I incor­po­ra­ted uncon­scious­ly, but any­way used it in two ways: his rea­lism and natu­ra­lism both, and his objec­ti­vi­ty of tre­at­ment; the non-appearance of aut­hor, the non-sub­jec­ti­vi­ty.” Leslie Katz, ibid., p. 84.

[7] “When Laurenz Berges dis­co­ver­ed a copy of First and Last by Walker Evans at a book­s­to­re in his home­town of Cloppenburg in 1985, he bought it with his bir­th­day money. It was his first book of pho­to­graphs, and it still means a gre­at deal to him today.” Thomas Weski, “Indirekte Erzählung,” in Laurenz Berges. Frühauf Danach, Munich: Schirmer/Mosel, 2011, p. 89.

[8] Rainer Maria Rilke, “The Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge,” trans­la­ted from the German by William Needham, web.